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Academic

: Legal Theory Blog

Johnstone on the Constitutional Initiative in Montana

By Lawrence Solum

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Anthony Johnstone (Montana Department of Justice; University of Montana School of Law) has posted The Constitutional Initiative in Montana (Montana Law Review, Vol. 71, p. 325, 2010) on SSRN. Here is the abstract:
    The constitutional initiative power provided in 1972 Montana Constitution is basic to its plan to increase the democratic responsiveness of a state government weighed down by detailed and inflexible constitutional provisions and interpretations that had accumulated since statehood. It serves, in other words, as a direct practical guarantee of the primary provisions of the Constitution's Declaration of Rights: popular sovereignty and self-government. Popular sovereignty exercised through the constitutional initiative can lead to a paradox, however. While the constitutional initiative can make government more responsive to voters by constraining legislative policymaking or removing constraints on policymaking imposed by judicial review, it also can complicate the constitutional text over time so as to leave state government less responsive in the end. The originators of the constitutional initiative in Montana foresaw this possibility, what one delegate called ?a Constitution that looks like California and Louisiana.?

    This article discusses the function of the constitutional initiative as a direct expression of the popular sovereignty guaranteed by the Montana Constitution. Part I explores the historical roots of the constitutional initiative power and process in earlier Montana constitutions and elsewhere. Part II records the origin of the constitutional initiative in the debates that preceded, constituted, and followed the 1972 Constitutional Convention and ratification process. Part III describes voters? use of the constitutional initiative and the Supreme Court?s active supervision of amendment procedures. Circulation of constitutional initiative petitions is the most common form of direct democracy in Montana, but at the polls voters more frequently shape the Constitution by approving amendments referred by the Legislature. Both processes focus on fiscal policy and individual rights. Part IV assesses the constitutional initiative in historical and national contexts and considers its future in Montana. The relative infrequency of constitutional initiatives could change as petitioners drive supply through the professionalization of signature gathering and voters drive demand through attempts to make the legislative and judicial branches more responsive on specific issues. Thus, the future of the Montana Constitution depends on the state government?s fidelity to the principles of popular sovereignty in the current Constitution.

And from the text:

    Future demand to limit judicial review depends on how that power will be used. The Supreme Court is only imperfectly representative of what most Montanans understand their Constitution to mean. Misalignment between judicial and popular constitutional meanings can produce a demand to realign the judicial understanding with the popular understanding, especially when the judicial understanding prevents expression of the popular understanding in ordinary legislation. While in such circumstances it is not impossible for a state citizenry to check an adventurous court through elections, judicial campaigns are a crude proxy for constitutional discourse. For example, a supreme court campaign that appears to concern criminal procedure may actually be about the right to a clean and healthful environment. The constitutional initiative is a more direct method of ?correcting? the Court when it strays from the popular understanding of the Constitutional text?in practical terms, the specific meaning that supported enactment of the challenged law and would receive majority approval on the amendment ballot.

    A court that too often disregards what Professor James Lopach has called the persisting value of popular sovereignty reflected in the constitutional structure can damage democratic politics. Sweeping decisions may embed inflexible interpretations in the 1972 Constitution that limit the political process just as much as the detailed proscriptions of the 1889 Constitution. This, then, can trigger popular demand for amendments that either roll back broad constitutional protections or insert specific policy judgments into the constitutional text, replacing interpretative detail with even more rigid textual detail.

    Significantly, the potential use of the constitutional initiative also may prevent strongly countermajoritarian rulings, consistent with Professor Laura Langer?s finding that state supreme courts account for potential retaliation from political branches in their exercise of judicial review. In significant cases, the Court speaks in such important policy areas as school finance, environmental protection, and personal privacy, but it avoids displacing vast areas of policymaking power when it does so. Cases that do not purport to be the last word on a controversial constitutional question are less likely to encourage voters to test that premise. They invite deliberation and reform through democratic processes, beginning rather than ending the constitutional conversation. Given the Constitution?s majoritarian power of constitutional initiative, the Supreme Court?s generally sensitive use of judicial review has helped maintain the document?s original text.

Very interesting piece, which certainly is of value generally to anyone thinking about direct democracy and constitutionalism. Highly recommended.

Full post as published by Legal Theory Blog on August 09, 2010 (boomark / email).

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