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Academic

: Law at the End of the Day

Reflections on ??????????????????????? [Xi Jinping: Ideological and political courses are the key courses to implement the fundamental task of Building a Moral Based Character (lì dé shù rén)]

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For some time I have been suggesting that education, and education policy, sits at the center of the realization of China's New Era transformation of Marxist-Leninist Theory in the emerging stage of Chinese historical development (e.g., here, here, here, here). It was central to the way in which the situation in Hong Kong was understood (here, here; "The whole society should care about the healthy growth of young people and create a good, harmonious, stable and rule of law environment for the healthy growth of young people. The youth of Hong Kong are also young people of China. The youth of Hong Kong is the future of Hong Kong and the future of the country. The Central Government is always paying attention to the growth of young people in Hong Kong." (Statement by the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office of the State Council Official Views of Current State of Affairs in Hong Kong [???????????????????????])..

Education, then, might be understood as the core of the CPC Basic Line in the New Era. From this perspective, edu

cation ought not to be understood in its narrow sense of educating children in useful sciences and trades in the Western style. Rather it is understood as an essential training for the all around construction of society shaped to better respond to the guidance of the CPC as it seeks to lead the nation toward the goal of establishing a communist society in China. But it is more than that. Education implies a relation that is fundamental to Chinese emerging Leninism. Education embraces the fundamental ordering notion of guidance ad leadership--from the present to future generations, from scholars to pupils, from those with knowledge to those seeking it, from the core of leadership to the masses. Education is inherently not merely a task, but the embodiment of the political philosophy of New Era Leninism. To focus on education is merely to acknowledge the central role of leadership--leadership f the young, leadership of the masses, leadership of the vanguard. But it suggests as well the burdens of leadership--the burdens of imparting knowledge, of guidance, and of ensuring that the leader, the teacher, the guide, lives closer to the ideals taught than the pupil. And that, of course, is still the hardest lesson for the Party itself to fully apply; the last paragraphs of the Preamble to the Chinese Communist Constitution serve as a testament both to this character of education as the core structuring relationship between vanguard and people, between levels of part leadership and the party masses, and between the core of leadership and the leadership group. Education, then, is the Leninist approach to both the structuring of the vanguard party, and to understanding its fundamental mission within a Marxist Leninist political order.

But there is more than a Chinese Leninist theory of politics involved. The essence of this political project is the building a moral character (lì dé shù rén). Here, again, education is understood as more than the imparting of knowledge--that is its mechanics. It is instead understood as the inculcation of values, the achievement of which is undertaken through specific tasks relating to the masses. For the young, that focuses on schooling; for adults, perhaps, on the mechanics of social credit, and for the CPC, it focuses on the training and disciplining of cadres. The essence in each case is the same--to impart moral values--and moral values are understood to have a strong political dimension (or better put, expression). The morality of Marxism (the Chinese still use the euphemism of "socialism", perhaps to distinguish the current stage of development from the communist ideal to be attained sometime in the future). The political dimension of morals is premised on the principle that morals are expressed as politics, as well as in the premise that the expression of politics is inherently a moral exercise. That mutually reinforcing binary acquires a specific form as it emerges from the core principles that define the primary duty of the vanguard to build the ideal moral (communist) society. The New Era distillation of the Core Socialist Values in the 18th CPC Congress nicely expresses this intertwining--and the central role of the CPC as its authoritative mediator--as its magisterium of morals.

These are the fundamental principles that are underlined by the most recent distribution of emerging New Era thinking under the authorship of Xi Jinping--as the core of leadership and as the representative of the collective leadership of the CPC which is itself an expression of the leadership obligation toward and for the masses. That essay, ??????????????????? [Ideological and political courses are the key courses to implement the fundamental task of Building a Moral Based Character ( lì dé shù rén)] (alternate link HERE)) was recently published in Qiushi the leading official intellectual organ of the CPC. It distills "the main part of General Secretary Xi Jinping's speech at the school's ideological and political theory teacher seminar on March 18, 2019."

The essay follows below in the original Chinese and a crude English translation, along with brief additional reflections.

Brief Reflections:

1. The venue for the exposition of moral-political values?that is for Leninist education?was carefully chosen. The choice was important to avoid a contradiction?that of the still potent CPC line of ?Emancipating and Mind? and ?Opening Up.? The later two, emphasized after the 1980s focused education on raising the value of labor to be consumed as part of the development of productive forces central to socialist modernization. Education as a technical consumable was important for that project. But Xi has a very different element of education in mind and thus the focus on ideological and political theory teachers. But here the character of education differs. One is not merely imparting knowledge that can be factored into production; one is shaping the masses under the guidance of the CPC. More than that, one is, by the structures of education itself, naturalizing a Leninist sensibility about order, hierarchy, and the relationship of the masses to those who are responsible for their guidance. ?That is to say, the most important thing in youth education is to teach them the right thinking and guide them to take the right path. The ideological and political course is a key course to implement the fundamental task of "lide shunren" to cultivate people.?

2. Education reveals the structure of Leninism as much as it teaches its ideological and normative elements. Xi emphasizes, drawing on his own experiences, that

?The teaching of ideological and political courses involves Marxist philosophy, political economy, scientific socialism, economic, political, cultural, social, ecological civilization and party building, reform, development and stability, internal affairs, foreign affairs and national defense, governance of the party, country and military, and party History, national history, reform and opening-up history, and socialist development history involve world history, international communist movement history, world conditions, national conditions, party conditions, people?s conditions, etc.?

The complexity is daunting. But then so is its dynamic character. But that is the problem?Where error acquires a political dimension, teachers must be especially conservative. But to be conservative means that only a fraction of these knowledge bases will be adequately taught. More importantly, it opens the door to the expression of fear of error as the great lesson of ideological and political courses. But an ideology grounded in fear of error will make it more difficult for the CPC to undertake its critical work of naturalizing this theory within the fabric of Chinese society. That is the core difficulty that Xi alludes to in his discussion of the third issue, but it is a discussion that offers only a glimmer of the path forward for those who must be guided by the core leadership and who may not exercise with confidence the authoritative approach of the core leadership when imparting knowledge in a classroom.

3. It is in this sense that this approach to education expresses Leninism as both political morality and as its own performance. And in the process it also exposes the core tension in the provision of education by a vanguard that must use education both to teach abstractions and to demonstrate its working in the structure and operation of the education system itself. This is made particularly clear in the second paragraph of the remarks which starts with a legitimating invocation of ancient culture now re-imagined for the new era of Chinese historical development. ?The ancients said: ?Respect for education and persuasive learning is the foundation of building a nation; the development of talents and talents is the first priority of government.? Education is an important cornerstone of national rejuvenation and social progress.?

4. The elaboration of these core premises is the subject of the bulk of the essay. This is broken down into four issues, each considered in multiple subparts.

The first issue: Ideological and political theory courses are of great significance.

The second issue: The key to running ideological and political theory courses is teachers, and the key is to give full play to teachers' enthusiasm, initiative, and creativity

The third issue: Promote the reform and innovation of ideological and political theory courses, and continuously enhance the ideological, theoretical, affinity and pertinence of ideological and political courses.

The fourth issue: Strengthen the party's leadership in the construction of ideological and political theory courses.

Together they reveal the structural importance of education, the focus of its content, as well as the key challenges that have yet to be overcome. Let us consider each in turn.

5. The first issue: Ideological and political theory courses are of great significance. Xi is at great pains to flesh out the pedigree of ideological education from before the establishment of the People?s Republic. Perhaps more importantly, he takes the trouble to connect it to the period of ?Reform and Opening Up.? The object remains the same, to preserve ?national ideological security.? That is the essence of the Leninist conception of education as the expression of the vanguard?s working objective with respect to the masses?to educate the masses is to comply with the core requirement of the mass line and the vanguard?s role in shaping society and guiding it toward its ultimate goal. The contemporary problem is one of focus and quality. The Core Socialist Values are re-emphasized, as is the privileged role of moral education expressed through these socialist values.

For Westerners, the emphasis on including political-moral education in the curriculum of schools with a foreign element is not left in doubt. ?The construction of ideological and political courses in private schools and Sino-foreign cooperation in running schools is still relatively weak; the synergy between various courses and the construction of ideological and political courses needs to be enhanced, teachers? awareness and ability of teaching and educating people need to be improved, and schools, families, and society have coordinated to promote thinking.? One will expect that future efforts will be directed toward the inclusion of more robust Marxist and Leninist education in such institutions, and a greater sensitivity to the way that the values and approaches of liberal democratic orders are presented. This will be a shock to those great foreign institutions that have thought themselves the vanguard of the values they brought over with them.

Lastly, Xi urges greater confidence in the development of Marxist Leninism as both ideology and as the basis for the operation of the Chinese state. He suggests that this confidence is a function of the construction of educational approaches that might better help students grasp the self-reflexive and complete systemic qualities of New Era Marxist Leninism. Yet it is the very failure of the leadership to produce a coherent version of that systemic quality, and its character, that lies at the heart of the problem. No faculty member ought to dare to substitute her own sense of that systemicity, and is likely to stay silent in the absence of a strong indication from the center of both a pedagogy and a content for the teaching and description of the systemic character of New Era Marxist Leninism. Is that possible to achieve?yes of course (whether or not one agrees). Even a foreigner might eb able to d that (e.g. here). And yet what is required?given the Leninist nature of the system, is an authoritative pronouncement from the core of leadership?and certainly far more than what is offered in this speech. That has yet to be undertaken. And of course, even if completed, the hard work of aligning CPC practice with the authenticated expression of theory (beyond the condensed form of it in the Preamble to the Chinese Communist Party Constitution) has yet to be either internalized or used effectively in criticism-self-criticism (accountability) exercises at the level of theory. That is a pity.

6. The second issue: The key to running ideological and political theory courses is teachers, and the key is to give full play to teachers' enthusiasm, initiative, and creativity. Pedagogy and teacher training lies at the heart of the challenge of education. That is clearly described by Xi. But implied as well is the challenge of meeting the issue of teacher qualification where the fear of error in a theoretically dynamic context may impede the process of training itself. It is here that Xi offers some comfort. But it might have been useful here to reaffirm Deng Xiaoping?s discussion of the difference between small and large error, the former an object of correction, the latter the object of rectification ("Emancipate the Mind, Seek Truth From Facts and Unite as One in Looking to the Future," Dec. 12, 1978 (?As it is only natural that some opinions expressed by the masses should be correct and others not, we should examine them analytically. The Party leadership should be good at synthesizing the correct opinions and explaining why the others are incorrect. . . No leading comrades at any level must ever place themselves in opposition to the masses. We must never abandon this principle. But of course we must not let down our guard against the handful of counter-revolutionaries who still exist in our country.? )). Xi approaches this challenge from six points. First he speaks to the need for teachers to have a strong faith in the politics and ideology they teach. Second he stresses that this belief must be deep in the sense that a demonstrated passionate faith. Third, the method of instruction must be new in both the sense of pedagogy and in its engagement with the current CPC line. The door is opened, carefully, for comparative study, but always for the purpose of evidencing the position and approach of Chinese Marxist Leninism. Fourth he speaks to vision. Again, the door is open, carefully, to theoretical knowledge of philosophy and the social sciences beyond the four corners of Marxist Leninism, but for the purpose of ensuring a correct conclusion?? They should not be closed and conservative, nor wooing foreigners. They should guide students to fully and objectively understand contemporary China and the outside world, and be good at discerning right from wrong in critical discrimination.? And yet without proper guidance teachers of good faith might see in this a trap best avoided entirely. Fifth, Xi speaks to self discipline. Teaching, in this sense, is a comprehensive calling that must be lived both within and outside the classroom?and to that end likely to be disciplined by a social credit system developed specifically to make that happen. This is explored more closely in the consideration of Xi?s fourth issue (?It is necessary to reform the evaluation mechanism of ideological and political teachers, increase the proportion of teaching and teaching research in the evaluation, overcome the shortcomings of only diplomas, papers, and hats, and guide ideological and political teachers to focus on teaching and educating people.?). Lastly, Xi speaks to the need to stress the positive elements of theory, ideology and politics.

7. The third issue: Promote the reform and innovation of ideological and political theory courses, and continuously enhance the ideological, theoretical, affinity and pertinence of ideological and political courses. Xi offers here the ideal of ideology and politics wrapped within the reform and innovation that ?are the spirit of the times.? Yet democratic centralism might inspire a certain caution by teachers to ensure that such innovation be carried out in the appropriate venue?and it is unlikely that the appropriate venue for ideological innovation is the classroom. Of course, it becomes clear that the reform and innovation is to focus on methodology and pedagogy?not content. It is to that end that Xi offers suggestions for approaching the pedagogy of ideological and political classes. The object is to make the absorption of materials more effective but in a way that centers the key premises of knowledge production within Leninist theory. That requires a focus on what Xi calls the eight unities: (1) the unity of political and academic rationality;? (2) ?the unity of values and knowledge;?; (3) ?the unity of constructive and critical;? (4) ?the unity of theory and practice;? (5) ?the unity of convergence and diversity;?; (6) ?the unity of dominance and subordination;? (7) ?the unity of indoctrination and inspiration;?; and (8) ?the unity of explicit and implicit education.? These are likely the most profoundly important element of this essay?it lays out in concrete form the contradictions and tensions, the resolution or balancing of which, produce the structure of Leninist political organization. It serves as the Leninist framework for balancing values that permit a dynamic ability to confront and overcome challenges without imploding the system. But, like its counterpart ideology within liberal democratic states (the balancing of equities, constitutional balancing, margins of appreciation and the like), it creates the danger of error and of abuse.

8. The fourth issue: Strengthen the party's leadership in the construction of ideological and political theory courses. Xi does offer a way out of the contradictions natural to the Leninist ordering?at least a way out for teachers of ideological and political courses. That way out lies in reliance on and working within the parameters of the leadership and guidance of the vanguard. Again, there is a replication in the relationship between teachers and the Party that mimics that between the state apparatus and the Party. Teachers serve as the administrative manifestation of Party thought. They serve as the application and expression of Party guidance, translating its objectives and instructions into concrete action. That is the inherent expression of Leninism within the construction of education itself. As Xi notes: ?Teachers are the key to running ideological and political courses.? They serve not just the courses, but are important productive forces within the construction of ideologically and pragmatically coherent programs of instruction from the earliest level f education through to the highest level of post secondary education. Coherence and systemic marks not just the scientism of Marxist Leninism, but its expression as education. And for this work, it is the core leadership of the Party that bears the greatest responsibility.

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2020-08-31 15:38 ??? ??????
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Xi Jinping: Ideological and political courses are the key courses to implement the fundamental task of Building a Morals Based Character (lì dé shù rén)

2020-08-31 15:38 Source: "Seeking Truth" Magazine
?Font: Big Middle Small?Print

Ideological and political course is a key course to implement the fundamental task of building morals based character (lì dé shù rénLide Shuren) ?
Xi Jinping
Today, we are here to hold a forum for teachers of ideological and political theory courses in schools. The main participants in the meeting were frontline teachers of ideological and political courses in universities, middle schools and primary schools. First of all, I would like to extend my sincere greetings to all the teachers present here, and to the teachers of ideological and political courses in universities across the country!
The ancients said: ?Respect for education and persuasive learning is the foundation of building a nation; the development of talents and talents is the first priority of government.? Education is an important cornerstone of national rejuvenation and social progress. It is of decisive significance to integrate quality, promote the all-round development of people, enhance the creative vitality of the Chinese nation, and realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.
Teenagers are the future of the motherland and the hope of the nation. At present, the number of students enrolled in all levels of academic education in my country has reached 270 million, and the total enrollment of various types of higher education in the country has reached 37.79 million. The adolescent stage is the "joint booting stage" of life. During this period, the mind gradually becomes sound and the thinking enters the most active state, which requires meticulous guidance and cultivation. "Being nourished and righteous is also holy." That is to say, the most important thing in youth education is to teach them the right thinking and guide them to take the right path. The ideological and political course is a key course to implement the fundamental task of "lide shunren" to cultivate people. The role of the ideological and political course is irreplaceable, and the ideological and political course teacher team has a great responsibility.
Next, I would like to comment on a few issues and communicate with you.
The first issue: Ideological and political theory courses are of great significance.
Our party has always attached great importance to the construction of ideological and political courses. In the historical periods of revolution, construction, and reform, our party has made important arrangements for the construction of ideological and political courses. During the New Democratic Revolution, our party opened "Party Building", "History of Chinese Revolutionary Movement", "Marxism-Leninism", "dialectical materialism", For courses such as "scientific socialism", "Social Work" courses are offered in Lenin Primary Schools, and "Political Common Sense" courses are offered in primary schools in the liberated areas and middle schools in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia border area. After the founding of the People?s Republic of China, our party included "Chinese Revolutionary Common Knowledge" and "Common Program" in the middle school teaching plan, and offered "Chinese Revolution History", "Marxist-Leninist Foundation", "Political Economics", and "Dialectical Materialism" in colleges and universities. Courses such as "and historical materialism" emphasize that the task of political theory courses in middle and high schools is to arm young people with Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, and train strong revolutionary successors. When I was in middle school, the political textbook I studied was called "Being the Successor of the Revolution." It said "Love production and labor, work hard, build a prosperous and strong socialist motherland with my own hands", "make ambitious and be a revolutionary Successors, etc., have affected the ideals, beliefs and life choices of our generation. Since the reform and opening up, the Party Central Committee has successively issued more than 10 documents on ideological and political work in schools, putting forward clear requirements for the construction of ideological and political courses, and continuously promoting the reform of ideological and political courses.

On March 18, 2019, Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, President of the State, and Chairman of the Central Military Commission hosted a seminar for teachers of the school's ideological and political theory in Beijing and delivered an important speech. Xinhua News Agency issued Sheng Jiapeng/Photo

I am very concerned about running ideological and political classes. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Party Central Committee has successively held the National Conference on Ideological and Political Work in Colleges and Universities and the National Education Conference. I have spoken many times on the construction of ideological and political courses. I have emphasized the most on education in this aspect, and I have also emphasized other aspects of education, but I must emphasize more on the construction of ideological and political courses. Regarding the construction of teaching materials for the three subjects of morality and the rule of law, Chinese, and history in the compulsory education stage, I propose to do a good job from the perspective of safeguarding national ideological security and cultivating socialist builders and successors. We need to figure out what our goal of training people is, and now we are very clear and firm in proposing to train socialist builders and successors. In 2014, during my inspection in Shanghai, I said that cultivating and practicing the core values ??of socialism must work hard to implement them, especially young people and other key groups. During the inspection of the ethnic primary school in Haidian District, Beijing, The school should put moral education in a more important position, and strive to not only spread knowledge, but also impart virtues in every class, so that the seeds of core socialist values ??can take root in the hearts of students. In 2016, when I visited Bayi School in Beijing, I emphasized that basic education is a career that fosters morality. It is necessary to strengthen ideological and political education, moral education, strengthen education of socialist core values, and guide students to self-esteem, self-confidence, and become self-reliant. At the National Conference on Ideological and Political Work in Colleges and Universities, I emphasized that the ideological and political theory courses should be strengthened in improvement and improved in innovation, updated teaching content in a timely manner, enriched teaching methods, and continuously improved classroom teaching conditions to prevent formalization and superficiality, etc. . On the eve of May 4th in 2018, I visited the School of Marxism at Peking University. At the beginning of this year, when I went to Nankai University, I also emphasized the construction of ideological and political courses.

On September 10, 2019, party and state leaders Xi Jinping, Li Keqiang, Wang Huning and others met at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing to celebrate the 2019 Teacher's Day and the National Education System Advanced Collective and Advanced Individual Commendation Conference. Xinhua News Agency reporter Shen Hong/photo

Under the current situation, a good ideological and political course must be viewed in the context of major changes in the world unseen in a century, and the overall development of the party and the country. It is necessary to maintain and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics, build a modern socialist country, and realize the Chinese nation. To the height of the great revival. We are working hard to achieve the "two centenary" goals. In the next 30 years, the people we train must be able to accomplish the great cause of the "two centuries". This is the historical responsibility of education. Our party is determined to make great achievements for the Chinese nation and must cultivate useful talents who support the leadership of the Communist Party of China and my country's socialist system from generation to generation, and are determined to fight for the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics for life. This requires us to educate and train the next generation well, starting from school and from infancy. It is very necessary to set up ideological and political courses in universities, middle schools and primary schools in a gradual and spiral manner. It is an important guarantee for cultivating generations of socialist builders and successors. Human growth, maturity, and success are not achieved overnight, but a gradual process, just like the physical development of human beings, so these stages must be laid out.
"You must first resolve to learn. If you have established aspirations, you can focus on learning first. If you are determined to be uncertain, you will not help." To become a socialist builder and successor, you must establish a correct world view, outlook on life, and values, and realize personal values. The future and destiny of the party and the country are closely linked. As our country expands and opens up and moves closer to the center of the world stage, our country's ties with the world have become closer and mutual influence has become more profound, and the situation and struggles facing the ideological field have become more complex. The school is the forefront of ideological work, not a tower of ivory, nor a peach blossom garden. To run ideological and political courses well, it is necessary to carry out Marxist theory education, to use the new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics to educate people, and to guide students to strengthen their confidence in the path o
Full post as published by Law at the End of the Day on September 04, 2020 (boomark / email).

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